By Marta Lamas (auth.)
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By assuming this totalizing idea of the political—from which stems 16 ● Feminism: Transmissions and Retransmissions the classic feminist claim that the personal is political—a number of feminist groups turn away from the development of politics as a praxis and resist their own inclusion in the national political arena. In addition, this takes place because feminists have constructed their political practice around their identity as women, giving precedence to an ideological and political discourse bordering on essentialism: “we are women;” “as women, we want,” et cetera.
Introduction ● 7 Calculated in terms of political participation in the face of great difficulties, the gains for women seem spectacular. Mexico has one of the largest contingents of women deputies in Latin America. Representation is now ensured through party quotas so that there is a substantial representation of women in the legislature. But even as I write this, on September 4, 2009, the newspaper La Jornada reports that eight women just elected have asked permission to hand over their seat to men.
Considering themselves to be part of a global movement, several members of feminist NGOs used this same strategy to inf luence the government by their decisive participation on the international political stage. Both UN conferences, that is, Population and Development (Cairo, 1994) and the Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995) were very useful, because demands silenced at a national level—like that of abortion—became objects of discourse in international forums and forced governments to take positions.