By Robin Truth Goodman (auth.)
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Extra info for Feminist Theory in Pursuit of the Public: Women and the “Re-Privatization” of Labor
Sample text
That is to say, the concept of privacy, as the limit to state and legal authority, once was understood as diminishing the value of everything associated with it, notably because of its connections to women and domesticity. Welfare, as Carole Pateman understands it, is patriarchal in that it mimes the family structure that it is supposed to be progressively overcoming by continuing to uphold men as both the heads of households and the main breadwinners, deserving of a “family wage,” while situating women as dependents, and thus confirming that “the private sphere has been seen as women’s proper place” (1998: 246).
Sedgwick and her followers recognized the two sides of the private/public divide to be in constant play and frequently overlapping, in fact interchangeable. The best-concealed personality traits or self-defining experiences were often the most obvious, the most open to the public, and the reverse was also true. The idea that the private/public divide would play out on the cultural level, rather than only defining degrees of autonomy from politics and commerce, perhaps was adopted from Habermas’s theory of the public sphere.
In this instance as in many others,18 women represent a sphere of “domestic” privacy that marks the limit of the state regulatory authority of the old days of welfarestate capitalism, a limit to political intervention in the public sphere itself. The form of privacy as a regulatory limit is still valued as a symbolic foundation of freedom, sovereignty, and power. Privacy has in many instances replaced the public and become indistinguishable from it. As Zygmunt Bauman has shown: The “public” has been emptied out of its own separate contents; it has been left with no agenda of its own—it is now but an agglomeration of private troubles, worries and problems.