By Cedric Boeckx
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If head movement is a PF process, then, plausibly, it can interact with deletion (assuming that the latter is also a PF process), and the interaction of the two operations takes place in a single component, namely the phonological component after Spell-Out. If XP movement, on the other hand, is syntactic, potential interaction between deletion and XP movement would involve considerable “look-ahead” and much greater computational complexity, Lasnik argues. Here we concur with Lasnik that, given the feature movement view, the category without F is uniformly defective for PF.
Constraints on Feature Checking. PhD dissertation, University of Connecticut, Storrs. Ochi, M. 1999b. Some consequences of Attract F. Lingua 109:81–107. Pollock, J-Y. 1989. Verb movement, universal grammar, and the structure of IP. Linguistic Inquiry 20:365–424. Postal, P. 1974. On raising. Cambridge MA: The MIT Press. Radford, A. 1997. Syntactic Theory and the Structure of English: A minimalist approach. Cambridge: CUP. Uriagereka, J. 1999. Multiple spell-out. In Working minimalism, S. Epstein and N.
There must be someone in the garden. must >> someone *someone >> must Bobaljik (2002) discusses such structures in a single-cycle, copy-spellout approach to movement and interpretive asymmetries. To account for the fact that LF may interpret (“privilege”) either copy of someone in (4a), hence the scope ambiguity between the existential and the modal, but may interpret only the lower (PF-privileged) copy in (4b),6 Bobaljik argues that both ways of attaining the narrow-scope interpretation of the existential (must >> someone) are equally ‘costly’ from the point of view of the interfaces.
