By Patricia Stamp
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Extra info for Technology, gender, and power in Africa
Sample text
In the case of some loci, the conceptual approaches are relatively impervious to new ideas; other loci, however, are receptive to both reseaichers and ideas from other loci. The most marked phenomenon of the massive WID initíative of the past 11 years has been the constant movement of feminist scholars between academia and policy-oriented research and action. Scarcely had these scholars launched women's studies as a field of research and completed their first ñeldwork on gender relations, when they were summoned in the mid-l970s to provide critiques of existing development policies and genérate guidelines for new directíons in development, Kathleen Staudt, Achola Pala Okeyo, Nici Nelson, Deborah Fahy Bryceson, Edna Bay, Marjorie Mbilinyi, Claire Robertson, Shimwaayi Muntemba, and Carol MacCormack are just a few of the Afiicanist scholars who nave made substantial contributions both to the theoretical understanding of gender relations in África and to development efforts.
Nowhere else is gender taken into account indeed, the chapter on technology, entitled "Manpower, technology, and employment in África" (King 1986) is notable for its neglect of the issues so dramatically documentad in a host of studies over the past 10 years. Instead, technology is treated as a problem in training for its use, construed in terms of gainful employment, whether in the formal or informal sector, in the factory, or on the farm (King 1986:431-442). In this text, therefore, it is possible for Guyer (1986:406) correcüy to identífy "current indigenous practices and small scale intensive enterpríses" as a potential development asset, while Hyden (1986:55-63) argües exacúy the opposite: he derógales the "economy of áffection," which he sees as characterizing African societies.
Up to now, however, the issue has not been substantively addressed by feminist scholars studying the Third World. As a result of the lack of subtlety in conceptualizing family and household, these writers frequently resort to a reductionist argument attributing women's problems within the family to "male domination," a vague, ahistorical notion without much explanatory power. ) What certain liberal studies contribute to feminist political economy is not a theory of gender. As I have already indicated, the premises of liberal feminism limit its ability to conceptualize structures of oppression.
