By Miki Hasegawa
This booklet bargains a whole heritage of a homeless circulate in Tokyo that lasted approximately a decade. It indicates how homeless humans and their exterior supporters within the urban mixed their scarce assets to generate and maintain the flow. The examine advocates a extra nuanced research of stream profits to understand how negative humans can gain via performing jointly. It additionally attracts cognizance to capability problems confronted through lower-stratum events aided through exterior allies. particularly, the learn highlights how activities of the kingdom can undermine the family members among aggrieved allies in any such manner as to restrict profits. The booklet is the 1st in English to aspect homeless mobilization in Japan. It additionally addresses the origins of elevated homelessness and improvement of homelessness coverage within the state. in addition to homelessness, it covers a couple of present social matters, together with monetary globalization, social exclusion, and politics over area.
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Additional info for 'We Are Not Garbage!': The Homeless Movement in Tokyo, 1994-2002 (East Asia: History, Politics, Sociology, Culture)
194). The universal pension scheme failed to cover people who were not poor enough to qualify for waiver. Besides, one had to be 65 years of age to claim benefits. By making health and pension insurance national requirements, however, the government collected vast amounts of money from ordinary people and succeeded in channeling the funds for industrial growth (Shibata 1998). What needs to be examined under the circumstances is the extent to which the livelihood protection program functioned as a safety net.
Over time, operational goals, tactics, and gains shifted from the former toward the latter, although they sometimes coexisted or overlapped. To show how they shifted, I analytically divide the movement into three periods on the basis of the key relational mechanisms that changed the tripartite relations. The three periods are (1) the initial period (early 1994-early 1996) following brokerage; (2) the transitional period (early 1996-late 1997) marked by repression; and (3) the final period (late 1997-mid 2002) beginning with certification.
How then did homelessness become invisible in the latter half of the 1960s? It is not easy to answer this question because no one has followed the process closely. Yet, available literature suggests that it perhaps involved three processes. First, homeless people who slept on the streets increasingly moved to shacks to settle (Iwata 1995). Second, shantytowns, especially large and visible ones, sometimes with hundreds of shacks, were dismantled one after another, often forcefully, by local governments.