By Marshall Foletta

William Tudor, Willard Phillips, and Richard Henry Dana weren't their fathers' Federalists. whilst those younger New England intellectuals and their contemporaries tried to carve out a spot for themselves within the swiftly altering and more and more unfriendly tradition of the early 19th century, the foremost to their efforts used to be the founding, in 1815, of the North American Review.Raised as Federalists, and inspired to think they'd designated duties as "the clever and the good," they got here of age inside of a cultural and political weather that now not deferred to males of their schooling and history. yet not like their fathers, who retreated in disgust prior to the rising forces of democracy, those younger Federalist intellectuals attempted to conform their mom and dad' ideology to the hot political and social realities and shield for themselves a spot because the first public intellectuals in the USA. In Coming to phrases with Democracy, Marshall Foletta contends that through calling for a brand new American literature of their magazine, the second-generation Federalists helped American readers separate from from imported neo-classical criteria, therefore paving the manner for the yankee Renaissance. regardless of their failure to reconstitute within the cultural sphere their fathers' misplaced political prominence, Foletta concludes that the unique individuals to the North American assessment have been greatly influential either within the construction of the function of the yankee public highbrow, and within the improvement of a imaginative and prescient for the yankee college that almost all historians position in a a lot later interval. they've got earned a admired position within the historical past of yank literature, magazines and journals, legislations and criminal schooling, institutional reform, and the cultural heritage of recent England.

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Additional resources for Coming to Terms With Democracy: Federalist Intellectuals and the Shaping of an American Culture

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He also defended the reluctance of New Englanders to help finance the war. Their actions were nothing more than the logical expressions of self-preservation and self-interest. That these should be sacrificed to some intangible vision of the national interest was a noble idea. But ‘‘unfortunately for mankind, the days of patriotic obligation have fathers - 43 gone by; so far . . ’’ Finally Otis addressed the matter of the Hartford Convention itself. Here he argued quite simply that the convention was demanded and subsequently supported by the general public.

Otis confided yet a third objective in a letter to a friend. 43 Regardless of these differences, to nonparticipants, Republicans in particular, the objectives and significance of this convention seemed clear. Massachusetts’s Republican press labeled the convention delegates ‘‘mischievous men’’ and their activities treasonous. ’’ 44 As much as Federalists tried to defend the convention as the judicious and moderate course of responsible leadership, the patently non-Federalist character of this renegade assembly left them ideologically compromised and politically vulnerable.

Many historians have argued that they were well placed in their skepticism. According to these scholars Jefferson acted forcefully to undo the Federalist legacy, aggressively removing Federalists from office in the process. 6 But all agree that Republicans at the state and local level, including Massachusetts, were more aggressive in exercising their patronage powers. 7 It was within this context of increasing local insecurity that Republican national policies took on their heightened significance.

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