By Michael Emerson, Kristina Kausch, Richard Youngs

The booklet takes inventory of the evolution of political regimes in nations stretching from the previous Soviet Union to the Arab Mediterranean international. It analyzes the plight of the hopes for democratization during this area because the "color revolutions" of 2004 and 2005 (a wave of regularly nonviolent, democracy-advocating protests opposed to authoritarian governments), and the foremost factors of growth and regress visible within the quarter.

Contributors contain Gergana Noutcheva (CEPS, Brussels), Alina Mundei Pippidi (Hertie institution of Governance, Berlin), Vesna Pesic (member of Parliament, Belgrade), Senem Aydin-Duzgit (CEPS and Bilgi college, Istanbul), Elena Klitsounova (Center for Integration study and initiatives, St. Petersberg), Leyla Alieva (Center for nationwide and foreign reports, Baku), Hakin Darbouche (Oxford Institute for strength Studies), Alexander Bogomolov (Maidan, Kyiv), Richard Giragosian (Armenian middle for nationwide and overseas reports, Yerevan), George Khutsishvili (International heart on clash and Negotiation, Tbilisi), Salam Kawakibi (Paris), Neil Melvin (Energy constitution Secretariat, Brussels), Nicu Popescu (European Council for overseas Relations), Dina Shehata (Al-Ahram middle for Political & Strategic experiences, Cairo), and Balazs Jarabik (Pact Ukraine).

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All are countries in which the transition paradigm has withered away, or is now at a dead-end. This is because there is no longer (if there ever was) a sense of movement towards the liberal-democratic model of society and politics, and the authoritarian dynasty is strongly entrenched. 13 Financial Times, 12-13 September 2009. 30 | MICHAEL EMERSON However, some of these states strive for a certain ‘neo-enlightenment’ branding, with relatively open societies and the avoidance of brutal repression.

The criticisms regarding the political and legal institutions voiced in the Report are nearly identical to those expressed in the 2007 Report. The Report notes weaknesses in the work of all chief institutions: parliament, government, public administration, regulatory authorities, judiciary and the civilian oversight of the armed forces. It highlights the high level of corruption and the insufficientlyeffective struggle against it – Serbia has fallen down Transparency International’s corruption index.

They were invited in the express hope that EU accession would be a strong enough incentive to drive these transitions back on track with greater speed and purpose. And considerable success followed in all three cases, most notably in Slovakia. They managed to accede by the deadline and, despite immediate setbacks after accession, their democratic institutions resisted. Nevertheless doubts persist that their Europeanisation is no more than superficial, lacking any real substance. Romania is a particularly challenging case.

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