By Chantana Banpasirichote Wungaeo, Boike Rehbein, Surichai Wun'gaeo
This booklet questions why Southeast Asian state states are suffering to undertake full-fledged liberal democracy and makes an attempt to higher comprehend the connection among globalization and types of democracy.
Through nation reviews and a comparative research, the chapters provide rules as to how globalization and democracy within the area might be formed within the many years to return. state reports are coated generally by means of local Southeast Asian students who examine contemporary advancements in addition to particular matters that experience arisen from political crises, citizen uprisings, ethnic identification politics, political reforms, social justice and inequality, and the endurance of the political elite. the gathering highlights components that have impacted the several neighborhood and nationwide paths taken equivalent to: the legacy of the chilly warfare, fast financial improvement and liberalization, exterior fiscal globalization, the real position of casual politics, robust elites, and susceptible yet rising center periods.
This publication might be of curiosity to students and scholars of nearby reviews of Southeast Asia, Democracy, Sociology, Politics and Globalization Studies.
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Extra info for Globalization and Democracy in Southeast Asia: Challenges, Responses and Alternative Futures
Sample text
The themes of inequality and democracy have become intertwined for some time, yet it is not obvious how the two should be combined. Consider three points. First, during the past decades, inequality has been growing virtually everywhere, democracy or not. It has been growing in India, a democracy, just as in China, not a democracy. Second, while democracy has been important ever since the nineteenth-century ‘age of the democratic revolution’, the age of emancipation movements, social struggles and national movements, and the twentieth-century age of decolonization, ‘1968’ and waves of protest, it has stalled.
Another strand may be fear of the majority—as in the stereotype of the ‘irrational crowd’ in Lebon’s mass psychology and Ortega y Gasset’s ‘rebellion of the masses’. Or the majority may be perceived as too different or heterogeneous—culturally, ethnically, ideologically or in terms of class or religion. The preference for democracy, then, is conditional. Democracy is fine if we agree with the outcome of elections. In a different 2 Democracy Is Coming 29 context, when Gaza elected Hamas, the USA and Israel disavowed the outcome.
The middle class in this scenario is a progressive social force, a force for stability, social cohesion and economic progress. Do recent trends bear this out? In 1927 the French philosopher Julien Benda published Le Trahison des Clercs (translated as The Treason of the Intellectuals in 1928 and 2006). Benda (2011) argued that European intellectuals in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries had often lost the ability to reason dispassionately about political and military matters and instead became apologists for crass nationalism, warmongering and racism.
