By Yu Uchiyama, Carl Freire

This booklet bargains an empirical and theoretical examine of the Koizumi management, protecting such matters because the features of its political kind, its family and overseas guidelines, and its greater ancient importance. the major questions that consultant its procedure are: what enabled Koizumi to workout strangely powerful management, and what structural adjustments of eastern politics did he in attaining? Uchiyama appears to be like at policy-making techniques, newly created institutional arenas corresponding to the Council on fiscal and monetary coverage, Koizumi’s populist procedure, international coverage, and neo-liberal convictions to evaluate the old importance of his management and search out the foundation for its large public aid. eventually, the publication undertakes a normative assessment of the advantages and demerits of the Koizumi administration’s political sort, and compares it with the Abe and Fukuda administrations that got here after. This publication might be of curiosity to students and scholars with an curiosity in comparative politics, administrative reform, and modern Japan.

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Extra info for Koizumi and Japanese Politics: Reform Strategies and Leadership Style (Routledge University of Tokyo Series)

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His talk about ‘forces of resistance’ and ‘smashing the LDP’ was emblematic of this. Towards the LDP lawmakers, his allies of old as one might think, he adopted a frosty attitude as well. During the general election of 2005, he announced ‘I am ruthless’ (Ore wa hijō da おれは非情だ) as he ran rival candidates against LDP lawmakers who had revolted against his postal privatization bills, and had the latter then expelled from the party. Once he had risen to become prime minister, he also distanced himself from former Prime Minister Mori Yoshirō, the head of the faction to which he had belonged, in sharp contrast to the loyal support he had still shown to him during the ‘Katō Rebellion’ (Katō no ran 加藤の乱) of 2000 (LDP lawmaker Katō Kōichi’s ill-fated attempt at a no-confidence vote against Mori’s highly unpopular government).

As long as debates were conducted behind closed doors, arguments swayed by private interests such as protection of a particular industry, for example, could exert enormous political influence even if devoid of logic in themselves. The taking of such positions becomes more difficult under a more transparent decision-making process. On the other hand, ‘righteous arguments’ (seiron 正論) of the kind Koizumi liked to tout could also claim greater power of persuasion and a superior moral authority for themselves under such conditions.

There thus was a gap between in-house deliberations and outside negotiations. However, after the honebuto policy statement was introduced, new policies were developed and the budget drafted on its basis. Ministries now worked hard to get their own eye-catcher policies included into this statement. Their policy deliberation schedule, accordingly, was moved forward to coincide with its drafting, and the policies that each ministry prioritized were made public on its pages in a unified manner. Thanks to this ‘consolidation of the agenda’, the general public became able to inform themselves about what the Cabinet’s policies were, and the double structure in which the period of internal policy deliberation and the time when those policies were actually announced did not coincide for the most part disappeared.

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