By Nicole Fabricant
The election of Evo Morales as Bolivia's president in 2005 made him his nation's first indigenous head of nation, a watershed victory for social activists and local peoples. El Movimiento Sin Tierra (MST), or the Landless Peasant move, performed an important function in bringing Morales to strength. Following within the culture of the well known Brazilian Landless move, Bolivia's MST activists seized unproductive land and equipped farming collectives as a method of resistance to large-scale export-oriented agriculture. In Mobilizing Bolivia's Displaced, Nicole Fabricant illustrates how landless peasants politicized indigeneity to form grassroots land politics, reform the kingdom, and safe human and cultural rights for local peoples.
Fabricant takes readers into the non-public areas of domestic and paintings, on lengthy bus rides, and into conferences and newly equipped MST settlements to teach how, in keeping with displacement, Indigenous identification is changing into ever extra dynamic and adaptive. as well as advancing this wealthy definition of indigeneity, she explores the ways that Morales has came across himself at odds with Indigenous activists and, in so doing, exhibits that Indigenous humans have a much more advanced courting to Morales than is usually understood.
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Additional info for Mobilizing Bolivia’s Displaced: Indigenous Politics and the Struggle over Land
Sample text
Juan Sala Sala described it as follows: “A few families owned all the land. There weren’t any places to work. They hired us to work on their land. But many times, they didn’t want to pay us. When we would charge them, they would say that they had no money. They worked us hard. .
We are seeking a just redistribution of land and fair and equitable rural economic development. —angel durán, president of mst-Bolivia at the first national-level mst congress in 2000 I first met Silvestre Saisari, one of the original members and founders of mst–Santa Cruz, in the Centro de Estudios Jurídicos e Investigación Social, or Center for Legal and Social Science Research (cejis), offices in February 2006. He was a short, stocky man in his thirties with an uneven beard and a Chicago Cubs hat perched backwards on his long, black hair.
Activists in Bolivia, however, fell outside this dichotomy. They did not see neoliberal multiculturalism as encouraging individual citizenship rights and a “do it yourself” attitude, but they took full advantage of the spaces opened by the multicultural turn, accepting international dollars that supported projects for cultural revival. The activist Aymara intellectuals of the Taller de Historia Oral Andina, or Andean Oral History Workshop (thoa), worked steadily to reconstitute the ayllu among indigenous peoples.
