By Peride K. Blind

Policy-Driven Democratization  offers a accomplished conceptual research of every this kind of fuzzy phrases individually to then stitch them jointly in a single whole and coherent package deal of democratization.

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Extra info for Policy-Driven Democratization: Geometrical Perspectives on Transparency, Accountability, and Corruption

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For these transitologists, the “relatively peaceful, but threatening mass mobilizations from below” that many associated with the post-communist world were the preferred route to democratization (McFaul 2002, Bunce 2003). Whether pro- or anti-pact, the first democratization scholars of the 1980s, inspired by Rustow’s emphasis that the initiation and the deepening of democracies abide by different logics, divided the democratization process into two specific, yet interrelated phases. The first transitional phase denoted to the “time between the breakdown of a dictatorship and the conclusion of the first democratic national elections” (Bermeo 1997: 305).

For Lindblom, democracies differed from non-democracies in that they made several small changes to the existing policies rather than opting for infrequent, major and often disruptive change (Lindblom 1979). Dahl (1971) likewise conjured democratization as a process of power bargaining among different groups from the governmental and non-governmental sectors. He believed that a liberal market economy with a high GNP per capita and high cultural homogeneity, or such economy with subcultural pluralism and the effective institutions of representation provided the most propitious conditions for democratization (115–123, 203).

Concomitantly, the focus shifted from elite-driven pacts to mass-driven coalitions with a reformist state in ending authoritarianism and strengthening democratization. Przeworski’s (1991) model of democratization attributed the main cause for democratization to the cooperation between the democratic civil society leaders and key elite actors willing to liberalize, all in a context where the state was at least minimally capable to lead. Lipset (1994), the father of modernization theory, also added civil society to his list of necessary conditions for democratization when he revisited his 1959 thesis Some Social Requisites of Democracy.

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