By Cedric Johnson
The Black strength circulate represented a key turning aspect in American politics. upset by means of the hole development of federal desegregation in the course of the Nineteen Sixties, many black voters and leaders around the usa demanded significant self-determination. the preferred flow they created was once marked by way of a lively inventive renaissance, militant political motion, and fierce ideological debate. Exploring the key political and highbrow currents from the Black strength period to the current, Cedric Johnson finds how black political existence steadily conformed to liberal democratic capitalism and the way the movement’s so much radical aims—the rejection of white aesthetic criteria, redefinition of black identification, team spirit with the 3rd global, and anticapitalist revolution—were steadily eclipsed through extra average aspirations. even though Black energy activists reworked the face of yankee govt, Johnson contends that the evolution of the circulate as a sort of ethnic politics limited the fight for social justice to the realm of formal politics. Johnson deals a compelling and theoretically subtle critique of the rhetoric and methods that emerged during this interval. Drawing on wide archival study, he reinterprets where of key highbrow figures, similar to Harold Cruse and Amiri Baraka, and influential companies, together with the African Liberation aid Committee, the nationwide Black Political meeting, and the nationwide Black self sufficient Political get together in postsegregation black politics, whereas while opting for the contradictions of Black energy radicalism itself. Documenting the historic retreat from radical, democratic fight, Revolutionaries to Race Leaders finally demands the renewal of well known fight and class-conscious politics. Cedric Johnson is assistant professor of political technological know-how at Hobart and William Smith faculties.
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Additional info for Revolutionaries to Race Leaders: Black Power and the Making of African American Politics
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Part I, “Black Power and African American Politics,” explores the ideological origins of Black Power radicalism within the New Nationalist subculture of the late fifties and early sixties. Chapters 1 and 2 examine Black Power militancy’s convergence with ethnic pluralism through the activism and writings of Cruse and Amiri Baraka (LeRoi Jones). I chose these two figures because their individual stories reflect so much of the wider historical dynamics. In other words, Cruse and Baraka—like other individuals and organizations addressed here— are treated as holographic figures, luminaries whose individual achievements only make sense against the interference of larger historical developments.
Much of his narrative in The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual reinscribed the working class as exclusively white, waged, industrial, and male. Likewise, he acknowledged the decidedly cosmopolitan character of the civil rights movement at certain moments, only to characterize it as a black movement at others. 31 In more specific terms, Cruse argued: “The revolutionary initiative has passed to the colonial world, and in the United States is passing to the Negro, while Western Marxists theorize, temporize and debate.
Smith appears to accept the idea that black politicos and civil rights leaders are the legitimate arbiters of African American political interests. 27 I have no quarrel with the basic ethical stance on democratic accountability implied in such criticisms of mainstream liberal black leadership. Contrary to this popular line of argument, however, this study does not merely call for a more accountable black leadership. I am more sympathetic to Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward’s legendary defense of movement politics as the most effective means available to marginalized, poor, and working-class people to realize their historical will, but I am also well aware that social movements involve a diverse orchestra of social forces that includes progressive elites and powerful institutions as well as ordinary people.
