By Ranabir Samaddar
The aim of this serious political inquiry is to appear into the stipulations and dimensions of autonomy, their ancient nature, and their political value by way of enriching democracy. the amount catalogues the resistance to the facility of the state-the call for for autonomy in different words-that is encountered between quite a few sections of society corresponding to ladies, ethnic teams, and periods. the gathering establishes that a number of the varieties of autonomy we witness this present day point out the path of politics sooner or later, the hot kinds of contestations and the hot chance of disentangling democratic conception from its shut organization with the dominant association of energy. The Indian event is noticeable to be so much instructive as a result of its range and variety, the level of colonial thoughts, a number of varieties of autonomy, the advanced direction of constitutionalism, a wide selection of accords, and the unyielding although leading edge nation that's made up our minds to maintain the country intact. specifically, the problems mentioned are: women’s autonomy; peace accords; the character of federalism within the Indian structure; autonomy and overseas legislations; assets for autonomy. those debates are then underscored by means of the case reviews which shape the second one a part of the volume-Kashmir; Darjeeling; and the Northeast (particularly Tripura and Mizoram).
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Extra info for The Politics of Autonomy: Indian Experiences
Sample text
Here the subject is deprived of his role as source of meaning because meaning is deciphered in terms of systems of signs—systems that the subject does not control. That is why Levi-Strauss declared that the goal of the human sciences is not to constitute man but to dissolve him. Such theoretical ventures began with making man an object of knowledge, but on deeper analysis they found that the Self dissolves as its functions are traced to various impersonal systems that operate through it. In fact, summarizing the poststructuralist analyses, Culler writes: “As the self is broken down into component systems, deprived of its status as source and master of meaning, it comes to seem more and more like a construct: a result of systems of convention.
The Indian Succession Act of 1865 was one of the first efforts to systematize civil law in India. It declared that no person “shall by marriage acquire any interest in the property of the person that he or she marries,” thereby challenging husbands’ right over their wives’ properties, but it did not stipulate any maintenance for the wives, which would later lead to destitution of many women. Even this Act was not applicable to the Hindus, Muslims, or even the Parsis who had a separate legislation for their community.
According to Jan Jindy Pettman, repatriation was made a nationalist project because women’s bodies became markers of male honor and thus a “part of other people’s agendas” (Pettman, 1996: 194). India made claims of moral superiority over Pakistan or the Other and vindicated that by the state’s ability to protect/control female bodies. This control was essential for the self-definition of the male identity that was in a state of crisis. Abducted women were not considered legal entities with political and constitutional rights.
