By Atiya Kai Stokes-Brown
Latinos are the quickest starting to be inhabitants workforce within the U.S. and feature exerted common impact in several points of yank tradition from leisure to economics. in contrast to Asian, black, white, and local american citizens who're outlined through race, Latinos should be of any race and are starting to shed new gentle at the meanings and political implications of race. because the Latino inhabitants grows, how will Latinos come to outline themselves racially given the lengthy status social order of black and white? What are the political implications in their selected racial identities? How does Latinos’ racial identification impact their political habit and motivation for participation?
The Politics of Race in Latino groups is an leading edge exam of improvement and political effects of Latino racial id within the U.S. Drawing on a countrywide political survey of Latinos and concentration staff interviews, the e-book exhibits that improvement of Latino racial identification is a posh interplay among primordial ties, institutional practices, person features, and social interactions. in addition, the publication highlights the political relevance of id, displaying that racial id has significant results for the political attitudes, critiques, and behaviors of Latinos. an enormous piece of study propelling new discussions and insights into Latino politics.
Read Online or Download The Politics of Race in Latino Communities: Walking the Color Line PDF
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Extra resources for The Politics of Race in Latino Communities: Walking the Color Line
Sample text
Thus, for Latinos with greater exposure to Latin American conceptions of race, racial self understandings may be more fluid and permeable than is true of the prevailing racial order. S. society (Lee and Bean 2007; 2004), what factors influence how Latinos racially self-identify? Although a number of studies have explored the determinants of Latinos’ racial self identification, here I present a composite theoretical model of Latino racial identity formation that incorporates features of established theoretical frameworks to contribute to a better understanding of Latino racial choice.
Similar to Bonilla-Silva and Embrick’s (2006) fi nding of the positive correlation between experiences of discrimination and Black identity, here a higher number of personal experiences with discrimination increases Black self identification (from 1 percent to approximately 3 percent). This pattern also holds true for the racialized other identity; the likelihood of choosing this identity increases from 47 percent to 69 percent as the degree of discrimination increases. A similar pattern emerges for multiracial identification as the respondent’s experiences with discrimination increase from 0 to 3; however, the likelihood of multiracial self identification drops significantly at the highest level of discriminatory experiences (4).
S. 75). This was also evident in the focus groups. ” In the first New York focus groups, all of the participants immediately self-identified as other race to the surprise of the moderator. All Participants: Moderator: All Participants: Puerto Rican Woman: [unanimously] Other. All of you? [Resounding] Yes! They don’t have Puerto Rican, they don’t have Latin or Latino! It has to be other. These respondents expressed the general feeling that Latinos do not see themselves as fitting neatly into existing racial categories.
