By David P. Farrington
In 1982 the loo D. and Catherine T. MacArthur beginning created a small committee-the Justice application learn workforce (whose club is indexed on the finish ofthis preface)-and posed to it what can not often be considered as a simple ques tion: "What principles, what recommendations, what uncomplicated highbrow frameworks are lack ing" to appreciate and to extra successfully take care of crime in our society? those people who are familiar with the paintings of the individuals of the learn crew will have fun with what percentage divergent perspectives have been expressed-divergent to the measure that a few of us got here to the realization that we weren't a learn staff in any respect yet relatively a bunch being studied, a strange selection of old experimental animals serving a few darkish function of the basis. finally, despite the fact that, an incredibly robust concurrence emerged. We discovered we have been inspired via the level to which in our discussions we put heavy reliance at the items of 2 different types of examine: first, these few longitudinal experiences with regards to juvenile delinquency and crime that were pursued during this nation and, moment, a couple of experimental stories that had sought to degree the implications of other reputable interventions in legal careers. those study suggestions had taught us a lot approximately crime and its keep watch over. different strategies-case reviews, cross-sectional surveys, player observations, and comparable techniques-had certainly been efficient, however it was once the longitudinal and experimental designs that firmed up the data that the others helped to discover.
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Extra resources for Understanding and Controlling Crime: Toward a New Research Strategy
Example text
We do not agree with either of these arguments. First of all, the relation between age and crime is not invariant. Indeed, the relation as obtained by crosssectional data is often different from that obtained longitudinally (Farrington, 1979c, 1986a). Furthermore, the age-crime relationship is different for different kinds of offenses (Cline, 1980). Second, there are different relationships with offending at different ages. For example, in the London longitudinal survey (discussed later), Farrington (1986c) reported that if a child, up to age 10, had parents who had been convicted, this was one of the best predictors of that child offending at ages 14 through 16 and 17 through 20, but it did not predict offending at ages 10 through 13.
However, it is not clear whether peers tend to encourage or facilitate offending or whether the high prevalence of group offending merely reflects the fact that, when adolescents go out, they tend to go out in groups. Whatever the explanation, the group nature of offending suggests that attempts should be made to link up individual criminal careers and to follow up groups. Also, it is noticeable that offending tends to be concentrated in families. 6% of their families accounted for 48% of all the convictions of nuclear family mem- Introduction 37 bers (fathers, mothers, sons, and daughters).
The Case for a New Crime Research Strategy studies of the effects of smoking on health; there have been but a handful on what many people would regard as a far graver public-health problem-criminality. We believe we can do better, and that we should. We are aware that many readers would prefer to reject our recommendations in favor of quick action to implement plausible schemes that seem to have immediate payoffs. We do not wish to dissuade them from doing whatever seems constructive in the short run.
