By Sarah A. Chrisman

On Sarah A. Chrisman's twenty-ninth birthday, her husband, Gabriel, awarded her with a corset. the cloth and the layout have been breathtakingly attractive, yet her brain instantly jam-packed with unwelcome perspectives. even supposing she were in love with the Victorian period all her lifestyles, she had in particular requested her husband to not purchase her a corset—ever. She'd heard how corsets affected the feminine physique and what they represented, and she or he sought after none of it.

However, Chrisman agreed to aim at the garment... and located it strangely relaxing. The corset, she learned, was once a device of empowerment—not oppression. After a yr of donning a corset every day, her waist had long gone from thirty-two inches to twenty-two inches, she used to be experiencing fewer migraines, and her posture stronger. She had effectively remodeled her physique, her gown, and her way of life into that of a Victorian woman—and every body used to be asking approximately it.

In Victorian Secrets, Chrisman explains how a garment from the earlier ended in a transformation in not just the way in which she considered herself, but additionally the methods she understood the foremost variations among the cultures of twenty-first-century and nineteenth-century the United States. the will to delve additional into the Victorian way of life supplied Chrisman with new perception into problems with physique picture and the way girls, earlier and current, have obvious and proceed to work out themselves.

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Leisure without labor was like dessert without savory; a fully human, rounded life consisted of both, not least because unalienated labor, quite unlike alienated drudgery under capitalism, was a path to self-realization. 103 The utopia of full communism was only loosely sketched in Soviet futurology, despite its hallowed position as the target of history’s arrow. 104 The Third Program of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, promulgated in 1961 as a modern-day Communist Manifesto, announced that incremental reductions in the working week would take place over the next two decades, made possible by increased labor productivity.

On Plzeň, see Kevin McDermott, “Popular Resistance in Czechoslovakia: The Plzeň Uprising: June 1953,” forthcoming; and Samuel H. : Stanford University Press, 2001). On Łódż, see Padraic Kenney, “The Gender of Resistance in Communist Poland,” American Historical Review 104, no. 2 (April 1999): 399–425. 31. The paradoxical overproduction of luxuries at the expense of necessities was identified as a key problem of the Soviet planned economy under Khrushchev. Stockpiles of unwanted goods allegedly accumulating in the early 1960s included silk dresses, and jam and jelly.

A glance into any Soviet refrigerator from the 1960s to the 1990s would reveal that it was filled not with the products of an advanced food-processing industry but with jars of home-preserved fruits grown at the dacha or gathered in the forest, holdovers of a preindustrial subsistence economy. In assessing the impact of refrigerated domesticity on Soviet society, it is important to stress that it began to exercise social effects in advance of actually entering mass consumption. 93 The domestication and “demotion” of such erstwhile luxuries was due not only to their mass production but also to their reproduction as images in Soviet public culture.

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