By Maureen Konkle
Within the early years of the republic, the us executive negotiated with Indian international locations since it couldn't find the money for protracted wars politically, militarily, or economically. Maureen Konkle argues that by means of reckoning on treaties, which leisure at the equivalent status of all signatories, Europeans in North the USA institutionalized a paradox: the very records during which they sought to dispossess local peoples actually conceded local autonomy.
As the U.S. used coerced treaties to take away local peoples from their lands, a bunch of Cherokee, Pequot, Ojibwe, Tuscarora, and Seneca writers spoke out. With background, polemic, and private narrative those writers countered frequent misrepresentations approximately local peoples' supposedly primitive nature, their inherent lack of ability to shape governments, and their drawing close disappearance. moreover, they contended that arguments approximately racial distinction basically justified oppression and dispossession; deriding those arguments as willful makes an attempt to dodge the real meanings and implications of the treaties, the writers insisted on acceptance of local peoples' political autonomy and human equality. Konkle demonstrates that those struggles over the which means of U.S.-Native treaties within the early 19th century ended in the emergence of the 1st titanic physique of local writing in English and, as she exhibits, the results of the fight over the political prestige of local peoples stay embedded in modern scholarship.
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Extra resources for Writing Indian Nations: Native Intellectuals and the Politics of Historiography, 1827-1863
Example text
Indians ‘‘who could not write, and most probably could not read [and] . . certainly were not critical judges of our language’’ nevertheless signed treaties establishing their complete dependence on the United States (552). While their inability to understand English and to write marks Native peoples’ perpetual state of pupilage, the representatives of the United States cannot, in this version of the story, be seen as taking advantage of the situation. S. elite intellectuals to espouse. In the opening paragraphs of the Cherokee Nation ruling, Marshall observed that if the courts were permitted to indulge their sympathies, a case better calculated to excite them can scarcely be imagined.
S. S. coherence is fundamental to this scholarship. One might suppose as well that critical anxiety arises from the problem that without a culturalist framework—without cultural di√erence and psychological identity as objects—there is simply no other way to conceive of how to read Native writing. 36 introduction recognition, history, playing indian Like other critics of multiculturalism, Nancy Fraser argues that the emphasis on matters of culture and identity in the criticism displaces attention to historic struggles over political and economic relations and that contemporary ‘‘recognition struggles’’—struggles for the recognition of identity—‘‘often serve .
Native writers di√er in their thinking about these matters. Elias Boudinot wanted to stamp out all evidence of anything ‘‘primitive’’ from the Cherokee Nation; William Apess did not know much of Pequot history and had to get it from books; Seneca writer Nathaniel Thayer Strong points out that white contemporaries attempting to establish what Indians were like before white people appeared probably would not find out because even the elders among the tribes could not say for certain which practices and beliefs were extant before colonization since they had changed so much over time.
