By Takis S. Pappas (auth.)
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Example text
W]here charisma is genuine, [its] basis lies . . 15 No sooner had the leader of the Right left Greece than the appeals to his return surged. A senior deputy of the orphaned ERE wrote to him: There can be no doubt that your departure . . will deprive the nationally-minded people of the stablest foundation on which its dominance rests. 16 As the political situation in Greece went from bad to worse, the exiled man received many letters with similar content. 17 We are expecting you to return soon [and are preparing to] give you a red-carpet reception.
Nicos Alivizatos, Hoi Politikoi Thesmoi se Krise, 19221974 [The Political Institutions in Crisis, 19221974] (Athens: Themelio, 1983), 547, where he holds that the simultaneous readjustment and incorporation of the civil-war era anti-communist legislation into the formal constitutional law was, indeed, the central goal of the government. According to one estimate, around 1955 almost one third of all urban empoyees and, perhaps, half of all non-manual employees depended on the state payroll. See Constantine Tsoucalas, Kratos, Koinonia, Ergasia ste 24 23.
Firstly, although charisma may have been sufficient for the establishment of democratic rule in Greece, it would certainly not be enough for maintaining its stability in the future. The initial perception of Karamanlis by the Greek people as pater patriae and the unquestionable leader of the nation could not be expected to last. Eventually, his personal charisma was bound to wear off, and the legitimacy derived from his heroic political deeds had to fade. At that time only institutionalized political parties could defend the fledgling Greek democracy against an increasingly restive society, and keep Karamanlis political innovations from cracking and falling apart.
