By Erica Meijers
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The common pain undermines the high walls that emerged in Israeli society and overrides its glory. No more Jews against Arabs; secular against religious; leftists against right-wingers. The high costs of living hurts us all. —Speech by Itzik Shmuli, 2011b 34 The Elections in Israel 2013 In this speech Itzik Shmuli, then the head of the students’ union and today an MK of Labor, condemns the walls between Jews and Arabs, secular and religious, left and right—hoping to transcend them by creating one unified Israeli identity.
The protest embodied the call for a kind of politics that is different from the politics practiced in the corridors of power, behind closed doors, at the top level of government bureaucracy, without public accessibility, let alone participation. It was a struggle about Israeli democracy: “We saw how the struggle over education, housing and health 36 The Elections in Israel 2013 becomes a struggle for democracy” (Halutz 2012), argued Shafir, a leader of the protest and today the youngest MK. The protest was branded in the media as a struggle to lower the cost of living, but, in contradistinction to Shenhav (2013), the antidemocratic legislation wave of the former government was on the mind of the leadership of the protest (Schechter 2012, 32).
The New Israelis” 45 The Identity Axis: Between Particularistic Jewishness and Universal or Republican Israeliness Whereas the former axes, security and economics, are prevalent dimensions of Israeli politics, the third one, identity politics, differs both from the state/religion axis (between secularism and ultra-Orthodoxy) and from tribal identities (which divide Israelis into primordial groups) (Kimerling 1999). In 2013, for the first time, Israeliness appears as a major issue that challenges “tribal” identities and parties.
