By Paul Thomas
This ebook discusses the that means and perform of British group solidarity rules, early life identities in racially-tense parts and the British government’s makes an attempt to ‘prevent violent extremism’ among younger Muslims.
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Extra resources for Youth, Multiculturalism and Community Cohesion (Palgrave Politics of Identity and Citizenship)
Example text
Whilst strong communities with well-developed social capital can be very positive for both individuals and society, the dangers of excessive ‘bonding capital’ in the absence of balancing ‘bridging capital’ within individual communities have been highlighted in studies (Back, 1996; Hewitt, 2005) exposing the fierce, racist and reactionary cultures of some white (and, arguably, Asian/black) communities. In both studies, this antagonism to ‘different’ outsiders could not be explained by parental attitudes, and seemed to be growing in responses to perceptions of policy and socio-economic trends, suggesting that the nature of ‘bonding’ social capital within communities is not fixed or unchangeable.
Relevant here is the use of far-right websites, both national ‘official’ ones and, more importantly, those of local ‘front’ organisations to spread false and misleading information about the nature and reality of racial incidents. Second was the role of mobile phone technology in mobilising large numbers of people rapidly on the basis of a rumour or claimed threat. Here, mobiles can be seen as a crucial element in the cycle of violent incidents in Burnley, and in the rapid escalation of the initial incident that sparked the Oldham riots (Kalra and Rhodes, 2009), as confirmed by white youth and community The Emergence of Community Cohesion 23 worker David, who has long experience of working with Asian young men in Oldham: The other thing about the Oldham situation is there are a lot of young Asian men around so suddenly, quickly, there are a lot of people in one place and the distances are not big, and the mobile phones are effective and suddenly everyone’s there.
Here, rather than the riots being simply about criminality, or being a rejection of British identity and values, these violent disturbances were arguably more about frustration at that very British citizenship being denied to many Pakistaniand Bangladeshi-origin young men, through economic marginalisation, housing deprivation, and policing that seemed more interested in controlling them than dealing with racist violence (Amin, 2003; Kalra, 2002). Nevertheless, direct conflict between different, often spatially separated, ethnic communities was a key factor, a reality re-emphasised by the events in the Lozells area of Birmingham in 2005, where several days of violence between African-Caribbean and Asian communities involved murders and serious inter-communal violence (King, 2009).
